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Now the time has come for this nation to fulfill its promise.

Forgiveness, Redemption, Conversion, Faith…

President Donald Trump loves his country…America…and he loves the American people; he is loyal to his country and its people.

“There is no greater love than to lay down one’s life for one’s friends.” John 15:13

Loyalty is more than words; true loyalty will result in actions. Action is what President Trump is giving to ‘We the People,’…he lives, loves and breathes loyalty.

Now the time has come for this nation to fulfill its promise.

“And ye shall know the truth and the truth shall make you free.” John 8:32

We the people, my fellow Americans, must come to grips with truth. Truth stands alone. There is no way that Donald J. Trump could have become the President of the United States of America without God’s intervention. None of the political powers and influence wanted him to be our president. The lobbyist and the Super PAC’s didn’t want him, the party bosses and party elites, Democrats and Republicans, didn’t want him, the financial (Wall Street) interest didn’t want him, the pharmaceutical giants didn’t want him and the insurance companies didn’t want him.

Yet, he became the President of the United States of America, why? Because we the people wanted change, of how we were being governed.

So, we the people, prayed to the Almighty God for his interposition, to bless we the people, with a fearless, brave, courageous and bold leader to lead our revolutionary movement of rejection against the corrupt system, establishment form of government.

We the people, wanted change, relief and replacement of the corrupt, rigged system. The will of we the people chose Presidential Candidate Donald J. Trump to lead our Rejection Movement.

Because he was the only candidate to challenge and call out the corrupt, rigged system.

“We are going to create a whole new system, and we are going to take this system apart.” “I want to make America great again. America First!!” – President Donald J. Trump

In addition, my fellow Americans, he could not be bought… bribed, intimidated or coerced. He was fearless, brave, courageous and bold, anti-corrupt system, and anti-establishment, and since he was the will of we the people’s choice to lead us in our rejection movement. God answered we the people’s prayers by anointing and ordaining, blessing Donald J. Trump to become the 45th President of the United States of America.

“With men this would be impossible, but with God all things are possible.” – Matt 19:26

The truth… the virtual essence of the ideology of white supremacy is “inequality” and the superior and inferior class of people.

Yesterday, today and tomorrow

Yesterday the founding fathers founded a new Nation under God, conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Which means all Americans of this new Nation are created equal.

However, the founding fathers recognized the inequality of slavery and the inequality of the white woman were caught in an inescapable dilemma of liberty vs. slavery.

Believing in God in the principles of Christianity, they (the founding fathers) recognized and appreciated the fact that liberty cannot exist in slavery, but that slavery could exist in liberty.

The founding fathers, claiming that a bitter confrontation with the supporters of slavery would endanger the very life and existence of the new Nation.

Then, rather than to risk the life of the new Nation had passed on to the next generation – or the next generation. The unenviable task of extending human equality to non-whites.

However, even in their own words, they seem not to have even a casual appreciation of the remarkably strong hold slavery already had on the masses of Americans, or the profound importance of slavery to the Nation’s economy, North and South. However, before the abolitionists knew what happened or before the bystanders could follow the game plan, a whole new set of complex and presumably unassailable arguments in favor of racial slavery and racial inequality had been advanced. Historical precedent… Religious precedent.

But the most remarkable of all these remarkable defenses argued that blacks were inferior and the white women were inferior (a major flaw in the ideology of white supremacy) in virtually all the traits, which were the prerequisites for freedom and equality. Consequently, slavery was a happy solution, the only solution, if such inferior people were to be permitted to remain among free superior people.

Then, white women (the major flaw in white supremacy) who began to speak out against the thousand invidious distinctions to which they were subjected by law and custom. Abigail Adams, Hanna Lee Corbin, Margaret Fuller, Susan B. Anthony, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Lucy Stone, Mercy Otis Warren, such as being white male property, political equality, tax laws and property laws.

In seeking to break down the gender barriers against them (white women) they joined in the struggle against human bondage, against economic discrimination of every kind and against those institutions and practices among the various classes of society.

If intelligence is the only true and rational basis of government, it follows that it is the best government, which draws its life and power from the largest source of wisdom at its command.

We should all see the folly and madness of attempting to accomplish with a part what could only be done with the united strength of the whole.

Though this folly maybe less apparent, it is just as real when one half of the moral and intellectual power of the world is excluded from any voice or vote in civil government, and fifty percent of the white population of the new Nation under God, conceived in liberty and dedicated to equality was excluding the white woman.

War, slavery, injustice, and oppression, and the idea that might make rights have been upper most in all such governments and the weak for whose protection governments are ostensibly created, have had practically no rights which the strong have felt bound to respect.

The slayers of thousands have been exalted into heroes and the worship of mere physical strength has been considered glorious.

Nations have been and still are but armed camps, expending their wealth and strength and ingenuity in forging weapons of destruction against each other; and while it may not be contended that the introduction of the feminine element in government would entirely cure this tendency to exalt might over right, many reasons can be given to show that woman’s influence would greatly tend to check and modify this barbarous and destructive tendency.

Recognizing and observing woman’s agency, devotion and efficiency in pleading because of the poor, the downtrodden, the oppressed, the under privileged, gratitude for this high service while recognizing not sex, nor physical strength, but moral intelligence and the ability to discern right from wrong, good from evil, and the power to choose between them, as the true basis of republican government, to which all are alike, subject and all bound alike to obey.

The conclusion that there was no foundation in reason or justice for woman’s exclusion from the right of choice in herself, and choice in the selection of the persons who should frame the laws, and then shape the destiny of all people irrespective of sex or color.

This is the history of woman’s exclusion yesterday, and my fellow white sisters if you don’t know your history you are doomed to repeat it. Such as it is being repeated today by degrees of liberty while denying the woman full first-class citizenship and total equality.

Now comes the nuclear age, which demands total equality for the woman and total equality for the African American/People of Color. Wake up my fellow white sisters… wake up my fellow African Americans, President Trump, our spiritually touched God-sent President is offering us, we the people, the opportunity to join him and support him; “We are going to create a whole new system… and we are going to take this system apart.” “I want to make America great again. America First!!!” – President Donald J. Trump.

JFK Commencement address at American University, Washington D.C., June 10, 1963

President John F. Kennedy

Washington, D.C.

June 10, 1963

“I have, therefore, chosen this time and this place to discuss a topic on which ignorance too often abounds and the truth is too rarely perceived--yet it is the most important topic on earth: world peace.

What kind of peace do I mean? What kind of peace do we seek? Not a Pax Americana enforced on the world by American weapons of war. Not the peace of the grave or the security of the slave. I am talking about genuine peace, the kind of peace that makes life on earth worth living, the kind that enables men and nations to grow and to hope and to build a better life for their children--not merely peace for Americans but peace for all men and women--not merely peace in our time but peace for all time.

I speak of peace because of the new face of war. Total war makes no sense in an age when great powers can maintain large and relatively invulnerable nuclear forces and refuse to surrender without resort to those forces. It makes no sense in an age when a single nuclear weapon contains almost ten times the explosive force delivered by all the allied air forces in the Second World War. It makes no sense in an age when the deadly poisons produced by a nuclear exchange would be carried by wind and water and soil and seed to the far corners of the globe and to generations yet unborn.

Today the expenditure of billions of dollars every year on weapons acquired for the purpose of making sure we never need to use them is essential to keeping the peace. But surely the acquisition of such idle stockpiles--which can only destroy and never create--is not the only, much less the most efficient, means of assuring peace.

I speak of peace, therefore, as the necessary rational end of rational men. I realize that the pursuit of peace is not as dramatic as the pursuit of war--and frequently the words of the pursuer fall on deaf ears. But we have no more urgent task.

Some say that it is useless to speak of world peace or world law or world disarmament--and that it will be useless until the leaders of the Soviet Union adopt a more enlightened attitude. I hope they do. I believe we can help them do it. But I also believe that we must reexamine our own attitude--as individuals and as a Nation--for our attitude is as essential as theirs. And every graduate of this school, every thoughtful citizen who despairs of war and wishes to bring peace, should begin by looking inward--by examining his own attitude toward the possibilities of peace, toward the Soviet Union, toward the course of the cold war and toward freedom and peace here at home.

First: Let us examine our attitude toward peace itself. Too many of us think it is impossible. Too many think it unreal. But that is a dangerous, defeatist belief. It leads to the conclusion that war is inevitable--that mankind is doomed--that we are gripped by forces we cannot control.

We need not accept that view. Our problems are manmade--therefore, they can be solved by man. And man can be as big as he wants. No problem of human destiny is beyond human beings. Man's reason and spirit have often solved the seemingly unsolvable--and we believe they can do it again.

I am not referring to the absolute, infinite concept of peace and good will of which some fantasies and fanatics dream. I do not deny the value of hopes and dreams but we merely invite discouragement and incredulity by making that our only and immediate goal.

Let us focus instead on a more practical, more attainable peace-- based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions--on a series of concrete actions and effective agreements which are in the interest of all concerned. There is no single, simple key to this peace--no grand or magic formula to be adopted by one or two powers. Genuine peace must be the product of many nations, the sum of many acts. It must be dynamic, not static, changing to meet the challenge of each new generation. For peace is a process--a way of solving problems.

With such a peace, there will still be quarrels and conflicting interests, as there are within families and nations. World peace, like community peace, does not require that each man love his neighbor--it requires only that they live together in mutual tolerance, submitting their disputes to a just and peaceful settlement. And history teaches us that enmities between nations, as between individuals, do not last forever. However fixed our likes and dislikes may seem, the tide of time and events will often bring surprising changes in the relations between nations and neighbors.

So let us persevere. Peace need not be impracticable, and war need not be inevitable. By defining our goal more clearly, by making it seem more manageable and less remote, we can help all peoples to see it, to draw hope from it, and to move irresistibly toward it.

Second: Let us reexamine our attitude toward the Soviet Union. It is discouraging to think that their leaders may actually believe what their propagandists write. It is discouraging to read a recent authoritative Soviet text on Military Strategy and find, on page after page, wholly baseless and incredible claims--such as the allegation that "American imperialist circles are preparing to unleash different types of wars . . . that there is a very real threat of a preventive war being unleashed by American imperialists against the Soviet Union . . . [and that] the political aims of the American imperialists are to enslave economically and politically the European and other capitalist countries . . . [and] to achieve world domination . . . by means of aggressive wars."

Truly, as it was written long ago: "The wicked flee when no man pursueth." Yet it is sad to read these Soviet statements--to realize the extent of the gulf between us. But it is also a warning--a warning to the American people not to fall into the same trap as the Soviets, not to see only a distorted and desperate view of the other side, not to see conflict as inevitable, accommodation as impossible, and communication as nothing more than an exchange of threats.

No government or social system is so evil that its people must be considered as lacking in virtue. As Americans, we find communism profoundly repugnant as a negation of personal freedom and dignity. But we can still hail the Russian people for their many achievements--in science and space, in economic and industrial growth, in culture and in acts of courage.

Among the many traits the peoples of our two countries have in common, none is stronger than our mutual abhorrence of war. Almost unique among the major world powers, we have never been at war with each other. And no nation in the history of battle ever suffered more than the Soviet Union suffered in the course of the Second World War. At least 20 million lost their lives. Countless millions of homes and farms were burned or sacked. A third of the nation's territory, including nearly two thirds of its industrial base, was turned into a wasteland--a loss equivalent to the devastation of this country east of Chicago.

Today, should total war ever break out again--no matter how--our two countries would become the primary targets. It is an ironic but accurate fact that the two strongest powers are the two in the most danger of devastation. All we have built, all we have worked for, would be destroyed in the first 24 hours. And even in the cold war, which brings burdens and dangers to so many nations, including this Nation's closest allies--our two countries bear the heaviest burdens. For we are both devoting massive sums of money to weapons that could be better devoted to combating ignorance, poverty, and disease. We are both caught up in a vicious and dangerous cycle in which suspicion on one side breeds suspicion on the other, and new weapons beget counterweapons.

In short, both the United States and its allies, and the Soviet Union and its allies, have a mutually deep interest in a just and genuine peace and in halting the arms race. Agreements to this end are in the interests of the Soviet Union as well as ours--and even the most hostile nations can be relied upon to accept and keep those treaty obligations, and only those treaty obligations, which are in their own interest.

So, let us not be blind to our differences--but let us also direct attention to our common interests and to the means by which those differences can be resolved. And if we cannot end now our differences, at least we can help make the world safe for diversity. For, in the final analysis, our most basic common link is that we all inhabit this small planet. We all breathe the same air. We all cherish our children's future. And we are all mortal.

Third: Let us reexamine our attitude toward the cold war, remembering that we are not engaged in a debate, seeking to pile up debating points. We are not here distributing blame or pointing the finger of judgment. We must deal with the world as it is, and not as it might have been had the history of the last 18 years been different.

We must, therefore, persevere in the search for peace in the hope that constructive changes within the Communist bloc might bring within reach solutions which now seem beyond us. We must conduct our affairs in such a way that it becomes in the Communists' interest to agree on a genuine peace. Above all, while defending our own vital interests, nuclear powers must avert those confrontations which bring an adversary to a choice of either a humiliating retreat or a nuclear war. To adopt that kind of course in the nuclear age would be evidence only of the bankruptcy of our policy--or of a collective death-wish for the world.

To secure these ends, America's weapons are nonprovocative, carefully controlled, designed to deter, and capable of selective use. Our military forces are committed to peace and disciplined in self- restraint. Our diplomats are instructed to avoid unnecessary irritants and purely rhetorical hostility.

For we can seek a relaxation of tension without relaxing our guard. And, for our part, we do not need to use threats to prove that we are resolute. We do not need to jam foreign broadcasts out of fear our faith will be eroded. We are unwilling to impose our system on any unwilling people--but we are willing and able to engage in peaceful competition with any people on earth.

Meanwhile, we seek to strengthen the United Nations, to help solve its financial problems, to make it a more effective instrument for peace, to develop it into a genuine world security system--a system capable of resolving disputes on the basis of law, of insuring the security of the large and the small, and of creating conditions under which arms can finally be abolished.

At the same time we seek to keep peace inside the non-Communist world, where many nations, all of them our friends, are divided over issues which weaken Western unity, which invite Communist intervention or which threaten to erupt into war. Our efforts in West New Guinea, in the Congo, in the Middle East, and in the Indian subcontinent, have been persistent and patient despite criticism from both sides. We have also tried to set an example for others--by seeking to adjust small but significant differences with our own closest neighbors in Mexico and in Canada.

Speaking of other nations, I wish to make one point clear. We are bound to many nations by alliances. Those alliances exist because our concern and theirs substantially overlap. Our commitment to defend Western Europe and West Berlin, for example, stands undiminished because of the identity of our vital interests. The United States will make no deal with the Soviet Union at the expense of other nations and other peoples, not merely because they are our partners, but also because their interests and ours converge.

Our interests converge, however, not only in defending the frontiers of freedom, but in pursuing the paths of peace. It is our hope-- and the purpose of allied policies--to convince the Soviet Union that she, too, should let each nation choose its own future, so long as that choice does not interfere with the choices of others. The Communist drive to impose their political and economic system on others is the primary cause of world tension today. For there can be no doubt that, if all nations could refrain from interfering in the self-determination of others, the peace would be much more assured.

This will require a new effort to achieve world law--a new context for world discussions. It will require increased understanding between the Soviets and ourselves. And increased understanding will require increased contact and communication. One step in this direction is the proposed arrangement for a direct line between Moscow and Washington, to avoid on each side the dangerous delays, misunderstandings, and misreadings of the other's actions which might occur at a time of crisis.

We have also been talking in Geneva about the other first-step measures of arms control designed to limit the intensity of the arms race and to reduce the risks of accidental war. Our primary long range interest in Geneva, however, is general and complete disarmament-- designed to take place by stages, permitting parallel political developments to build the new institutions of peace which would take the place of arms. The pursuit of disarmament has been an effort of this Government since the 1920's. It has been urgently sought by the past three administrations. And however dim the prospects may be today, we intend to continue this effort--to continue it in order that all countries, including our own, can better grasp what the problems and possibilities of disarmament are.

The one major area of these negotiations where the end is in sight, yet where a fresh start is badly needed, is in a treaty to outlaw nuclear tests. The conclusion of such a treaty, so near and yet so far, would check the spiraling arms race in one of its most dangerous areas. It would place the nuclear powers in a position to deal more effectively with one of the greatest hazards which man faces in 1963, the further spread of nuclear arms. It would increase our security--it would decrease the prospects of war. Surely this goal is sufficiently important to require our steady pursuit, yielding neither to the temptation to give up the whole effort nor the temptation to give up our insistence on vital and responsible safeguards.

I am taking this opportunity, therefore, to announce two important decisions in this regard.

First: Chairman khrushchev, Prime Minister Macmillan, and I have agreed that high-level discussions will shortly begin in Moscow looking toward early agreement on a comprehensive test ban treaty. Our hopes must be tempered with the caution of history--but with our hopes go the hopes of all mankind.

Second: To make clear our good faith and solemn convictions on the matter, I now declare that the United States does not propose to conduct nuclear tests in the atmosphere so long as other states do not do so. We will not be the first to resume. Such a declaration is no substitute for a formal binding treaty, but I hope it will help us achieve one. Nor would such a treaty be a substitute for disarmament, but I hope it will help us achieve it.

Finally, my fellow Americans, let us examine our attitude toward peace and freedom here at home. The quality and spirit of our own society must justify and support our efforts abroad. We must show it in the dedication of our own lives--as many of you who are graduating today will have a unique opportunity to do, by serving without pay in the Peace Corps abroad or in the proposed National Service Corps here at home.

But wherever we are, we must all, in our daily lives, live up to the age-old faith that peace and freedom walk together. In too many of our cities today, the peace is not secure because the freedom is incomplete.

It is the responsibility of the executive branch at all levels of government--local, State, and National--to provide and protect that freedom for all of our citizens by all means within their authority. It is the responsibility of the legislative branch at all levels, wherever that authority is not now adequate, to make it adequate. And it is the responsibility of all citizens in all sections of this country to respect the rights of all others and to respect the law of the land.

All this is not unrelated to world peace. "When a man's ways please the Lord," the Scriptures tell us, "he maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him." And is not peace, in the last analysis, basically a matter of human rights--the right to live out our lives without fear of devastation--the right to breathe air as nature provided it--the right of future generations to a healthy existence?

While we proceed to safeguard our national interests, let us also safeguard human interests. And the elimination of war and arms is clearly in the interest of both. No treaty, however much it may be to the advantage of all, however tightly it may be worded, can provide absolute security against the risks of deception and evasion. But it can--if it is sufficiently effective in its enforcement and if it is sufficiently in the interests of its signers--offer far more security and far fewer risks than an unabated, uncontrolled, unpredictable arms race.

The United States, as the world knows, will never start a war. We do not want a war. We do not now expect a war. This generation of Americans has already had enough--more than enough--of war and hate and oppression. We shall be prepared if others wish it. We shall be alert to try to stop it. But we shall also do our part to build a world of peace where the weak are safe and the strong are just. We are not helpless before that task or hopeless of its success. Confident and unafraid, we labor on--not toward a strategy of annihilation but toward a strategy of peace.”

May the blessings of St. Francis be upon our president:

Lord, make me an instrument of your peace:

Where there is hatred, let me sow love;

Where there is injury, pardon;

Where there is doubt, faith;

Where there is despair, hope;

Where there is darkness, light;

Where there is sadness, joy.

Almighty God, we Americans humbly pray to you to bless us with a peaceful transition of government and that nobody gets hurt in the process. Heavenly Father, please bless us with the guidance, the direction and the ways and means in which we, as Americans, can unite and become ONE AMERICA…touching the heart of President Donald J. Trump and enabling him to fulfill his promise and commitment to be President to ALL THE PEOPLE, while Making America Great Again. I ask and pray in the name of Jesus Christ, My Lord and Savior….Amen! Don King

God Bless America

God Bless the American People

God Bless President Donald J. Trump

May the blessings of St. Francis be upon our president:

Lord, make me an instrument of your peace:

Where there is hatred, let me sow love;

Where there is injury, pardon;

Where there is doubt, faith;

Where there is despair, hope;

Where there is darkness, light;

Where there is sadness, joy.

Almighty God, we Americans humbly pray to you to bless us with a peaceful transition of government and that nobody gets hurt in the process. Heavenly Father, please bless us with the guidance, the direction and the ways and means in which we, as Americans, can unite and become ONE AMERICA…touching the heart of President Donald J. Trump and enabling him to fulfill his promise and commitment to be President to ALL THE PEOPLE, while Making America Great Again. I ask and pray in the name of Jesus Christ, My Lord and Savior….Amen! Don King

God Bless America

God Bless the American People

God Bless President Donald J. Trump

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